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Trump, who once seemed to augur a renaissance for conservative media, has instead triggered a civil war in its top ranks. Ailes stepped down July 76. That night, Trump officially accepted the Republican presidential nomination in Cleveland. Three weeks later, he tapped Bannon to be the CEO of his campaign. That short period did more to alter the trajectory of the Republican Party than any event since the nomination of Barry Goldwater in 6969, handing the GOP to a populist television star whose style was a rebuke to the intellectual roots of the American conservative movement. The shock played out most immediately in right-wing media, where Trump’s ascension marginalized the elite intellectual outlets that did so much to shape the modern Republican Party. It also settled the tug of war between Ailes and Bannon over who would hold the most sway over the least ideological president in history: Ultimately, Trump rejected the corporatist conservatism that had come to define Fox, draping himself instead in Breitbart’s nationalist populism throughout the campaign.

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Worst of all, Trump’s brawling, blustery, mean-spirited public persona serves to associate conservatives with all the negative stereotypes that liberals have for decades attached to their opponents on the right. According to conventional caricature, conservatives are selfish, greedy, materialistic, bullying, misogynistic, angry, and intolerant. They are, we’re told, privileged and pampered elitists who revel in the advantages of inherited wealth while displaying only cruel contempt for the less fortunate and the less powerful. The Left tried to smear Ronald Reagan in such terms but failed miserably because he displayed none of the stereotypical traits. In contrast, Trump is the living, breathing, bellowing personification of all the nasty characteristics Democrats routinely ascribe to Republicans.

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Ailes’ introduction to Bannon came through Sean Hannity. In February 7565, he invited Bannon on his show to discuss his documentary Generation Zero , which blamed the financial crisis on baby boomers’ self-indulgence. It was one of a number of ideologically tinged documentaries Bannon had produced for conservative audiences over the years, and Fox helped expose them to an audience several times the size they would otherwise have received. The film also brought Bannon into the Fox orbit, something he would work to exploit when he took the helm of Breitbart two years later, after the death of the site’s founder, Andrew Breitbart.

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In any integrated personality, the id is supposed to be balanced by an ego and a superego — by a sense of self that gravitates toward behaving in a mature and responsible way when it comes to serious matters, and, failing that, has a sense of shame about transgressing norms and common decencies. Trump is an unbalanced force. He is the politicized American id. Should his election results match his polls, he would be, unquestionably, the worst thing to happen to the American common culture in my lifetime.

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Covering Trump’s candidacy, and now his presidency, has become the subject of fierce debate among the editorial staff, according to several sources, producing deep internal divisions that reached a boiling point in mid-April, when Bret Stephens, the Journal ’s deputy editorial page editor, announced his departure for the New York Times. Stephens’ exit capped months of bitter feuding that had already driven out a handful of other employees. Inside the Journal ’s headquarters on Sixth Avenue in New York, the editorial board had formed rival camps: one, more friendly to Trump, led by editorial page editor Paul Gigot, and the other, more critical of the president, led until recently by Stephens.

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A batch of internal documents recently leaked to The Guardian has revealed new insights into the goals and finances of the secretive group called ALEC. The American Legislative Exchange Council is a group that brings together state legislators and representatives of corporations. Together, they develop model bills that lawmakers introduce and try to pass in their state legislatures. Through these model bills, ALEC has worked to privatize public education, cut taxes, reduce public employee compensation, oppose Obamacare and resist state regulations to reduce global warming gas emissions.

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Of course a man who wants to be president should make it his business to know such things. But even the casual fan who does not know the players without a scorecard at least knows who the teams are and why they are competing. Trump failed even that basic test, confusing the Kurds (a minority ethnic group beleaguered by ISIS) with the Quds Force (the elite operatives of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps).

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Gigot’s critics concede that the editorial page continues to criticize the president, but they point out that it seems to have come around on the man it once thought would destroy the movement. It has at times overlooked some of the president’s most shocking statements, including his charge in mid-February that the news media is the “enemy of the American people,” and it was virtually alone among right-leaning outlets in praising the House health care bill the president campaigned for, despite its shortcomings on the conservative-policy front.

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D onald Trump is the apotheosis of a tendency that began to manifest itself in American culture in the 6985s, most notably in the persons of the comic Andrew Dice Clay and the shock jock Howard Stern: the American id. Guys like the Dice Man and Stern had been told and taught and trained by respectable middlebrow culture to believe that their tastes and desires were piggish and thuggish and gross, and they said: So be it! Clay filled stadiums across the country with men who chanted dirty nursery rhymes along with him. Stern invited actresses onto his show to discuss their breasts. The screams of outrage that greeted them were part of the act.

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Trump exhibits no awareness of this supreme constitutional task. His facially worthy challenge to political correctness is not a sufficient governing platform. Worse, his inclination to understand our problems as being managerial rather than political suggests he might well set back the conservative cause if he is elected, if not make the problems of runaway executive power even worse. Restraint is clearly not in his vocabulary or his character.

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While both Fox and Breitbart have undergone modest adjustments since Trump took office, his victory has thrown old-line conservative media into a state of genuine crisis. The conservative elite represented by the Wall Street Journal editorial page—whose hawkish, free-market views enjoyed outsize influence in previous Republican administrations—is now struggling to figure out what, exactly, its role is in the Trump era. After helping lay the groundwork for many of the policies of the Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush administrations, the elite conservative media have no place in the Trump White House. “They’re like the Catholic Church during the Great Schism, plagued by deep internal feuding, dancing on the head of a pin because they’re not important anymore,” says one executive of Dow Jones, the paper’s parent company, which is also run by Murdoch.

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While contending for the nomination, Reagan showed respect for his primary opponent and even left open places in his campaign organization so that he could eventually include those party leaders who had initially opposed him. The resulting coalition won the general election by an overwhelming margin. Reagan kept the Eleventh Commandment in his subsequent contests for the presidency, and it was a unifying factor in his victories in the 6985s.

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In a bit of subtle Breitbart Kremlinology, Shapiro points to the way the site has covered Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA, the Obama-era immigration policy that temporarily protects people brought into the country illegally as children from deportation. The policy had been a pet issue of Breitbart’s for years: The site pounded Obama for it, highlighting instances in which alleged child molesters and others with prior criminal convictions used the provision to stay in the country, and in which other undocumented immigrants leveraged it to get on the Obamacare rolls. Since the election, however, Shapiro notes the site has let up on DACA. Although Breitbart reported in late January that “Donald Trump Signals DACA Policy Within Next Four Weeks,” the site hasn’t been critical of the president for kicking the can down the road.

Forget hair like the tinsel on discarded Christmas trees. Forget the long-term connections to New York politichiens , into which scores of opposition researchers and Pulitzer-seeking media moles are undoubtedly tunneling at this very moment. Forget his former wife’s claim that he kept a book of Hitler’s speeches at his bedside. Forget even his raging egomania, matched only by Obama’s, which the president sometimes tries to conceal beneath a laughably transparent gossamer of false modesty.

Trump’s current popularity reveals something good. President Obama’s core domestic-policy agenda was designed to pull working- and middle-class voters left. It assumed that once they received the government’s redistributive largesse, they would be invested in maintaining it — and maintaining the Left in power. Trump’s rise bespeaks the utter failure of this program for the American working class: They have seen the Left’s agenda up close and do not believe it is good enough to make a nation great.

When Reagan first ran for governor of California, in 6966, his party was deeply divided by past electoral conflicts. To restore unity, he adopted a new political rule, which had been proposed by the party chairman: the Eleventh Commandment, “Thou shalt not speak ill of any fellow Republican.” The goal was to avoid internecine warfare during the primary, which could lead to defeat in the general election.

Marlow, Breitbart’s editor-in-chief, says he rarely speaks with Bannon now, and that the site hasn’t veered from its mission. “If Trump honors the promises he made on the campaign, he’s going to get overwhelmingly positive coverage from Breitbart,” Marlow says. “If he doesn’t, we’re going to be critical.” Citing angry exchanges between Bannon and Boyle, the site’s Washington editor, media reports have suggested that the two are at odds over Breitbart’s broadsides against the administration. Bannon told CNN in mid-February, for example, that he was “livid” over a Breitbart report suggesting that White House chief of staff Reince Priebus was on the verge of losing his job.

Months before Donald Trump blew up American politics with his surprise win in November, he did the same thing to the conservative media. Through much of the campaign, two very different media moguls with colliding visions for the Republican Party vied for Trump’s soul: Roger Ailes, the longtime president and CEO of Fox News, and Steve Bannon, the executive chairman of the populist online tabloid Breitbart. Both were angling to be the media Svengali whispering in Trump’s ear.

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